Showing posts with label indigenous peoples. Show all posts
Showing posts with label indigenous peoples. Show all posts

Friday, March 04, 2011

Training Kit on Participatory Spatial Information Management and Communication

Online version released - Co-published by CTA and IFAD, this Training Kit is a unique product that can be tailored to meet your needs, ensuring that your employees get the best training available on Participatory Spatial Information Management and Communication.

The Training Kit contains 15 Modules, each presented through a series of Units. Modules cover the entire spectrum of good developmental practice – from mobilising communities to developing a communication strategy based on the outcome of participatory mapping activities.

The Modules touch on topics such as the fundamentals of training, ethics and community groundwork and processes as well as the more technical low-, mid- and high-tech participatory mapping methods. The Training Kit culminates in a Module on networking, communication and advocacy – the pillars upon which maps become effective media and negotiation tools.

You decide what you want to cover and when. This product has been developed using the Multimedia Training Kit (MMTK) approach – you pick and choose those Modules, Units and components that best suit your particular requirements and develop a curriculum to suit your specific needs.

Publishers: Technical Centre for Agricultural and Rural Co-operation ACP-EU (CTA), Wageningen, The Netherlands and International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), Rome, Italy

Year of Publication: 2010

Friday, February 25, 2011

IFAD to establish forum to examine plight of indigenous peoples’ in rural areas

Rome, 18 February 2011 – The International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) has announced the establishment of an indigenous peoples’ forum under the Fund’s auspices, following a two-day workshop that concluded today at IFAD Headquarters in Rome.

Organized by IFAD with the support of the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA), the workshop convened about 30 representatives of indigenous peoples’ organizations, as well as IFAD staff, to discuss and agree on the directions, scope and the objectives of the forum, as well as how it will be organized, operated and governed.  The forum’s overall aim is to advance the participation of indigenous peoples in IFAD discussions and programmes that have an impact on them.

The group determined that the first global meeting of the indigenous people’s forum will take place in conjunction with the IFAD Governing Council in 2013

Indigenous peoples, who make up one-third of the world’s one billion extreme poor in rural areas, are among the most vulnerable and marginalized of any group.  Spread over 70 countries and representing diverse cultural backgrounds, they share many common challenges such as limited access to healthcare and education, loss of control over lands, displacement and violations of basic human rights

IFAD’s special interest in supporting them is based not only on poverty reduction, social justice and humanitarian concerns, but also the value that indigenous people in many cases contribute to sustainable agriculture, especially given the rich knowledge and understanding of ecosystem management that they have.
Welcoming the participants to the workshop on 17 February at IFAD headquarters, Kanayo Nwanze, President of IFAD said: “the work we do at the forum will be important, but we all agree that it is just one step in a long-term commitment to reaching our dual goals of equity and economic opportunity for indigenous peoples.”

“It is important that an indigenous peoples forum in IFAD be established so that the indigenous peoples will have an opportunity to share their views and recommendations on how IFAD can respond more effectively to indigenous peoples’ needs, aspirations and priorities” said Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, Convenor, Asian Indigenous Women’s Network and Former Chair of United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII). “It will also enhance further the partnership between IFAD and indigenous peoples,” she concluded.

Mirna Cunningham Kain, Chair Center for autonomy and development of indigenous peoples in Nicaragua and member of the UNPFII, declared “IFAD’s policy of engagement with indigenous peoples offers an opportunity to address injustice that indigenous peoples has suffered in rural areas in the world and the establishment of an indigenous forum in IFAD is an innovative step, gives us voice and visibility that can and should help change rural development practices in our countries”.

According to Joseph Ole Simel, Chairman of Africa indigenous peoples climate change network and Executive Director, Mainyoito pastoralist integrated development organization in Kenya “IFAD initiative on indigenous peoples forum is a great idea of the 21st century for indigenous peoples”. The forum will assist or an able both indigenous peoples and IFFAD to deal with the problem of underdevelopment in a fundamental way. It will be the engine that will facilitate us to direct our efforts at the root causes of extreme poverty among indigenous peoples,” he concluded.

Thursday, February 24, 2011

The ALDAW Save Palawan Campaign: using web 2.0 for policy Advocacy on indigenous peoples

In March 2006, former Philippine President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo called for a revitalization of mining nation-wide. Open-pit and strip mining for nickel results in the flattening of mountain tops, in the plundering of forest and in the production of vast amounts of tailings that contaminate freshwater sources and the sea. Palawan, the richest Philippines’ province in terms of biocultural diversity, and a UNESCO Man & Biosphere Reserve, is threatened as ever before.
ALDAW (Ancestral Land/Domain Watch), a local advocacy network decided to take immediate action, in the attempt of bringing the plight of Palawan indigenous peoples to international attention. In 2009, ALDAW in collaboration with the Centre for Biocultural Diversity (CBCD) of the University of Kent, began to produce participatory videos amongst indigenous communities. The primary aim was to provide communities with more information on the ecological and social impact of mining, in order to allow people to make informed decisions while confronting mining corporations. ALDAW began its journey amongst those communities who had already experienced the effects of mining. The recorded testimonials from community representatives (both indigenous and migrant farmers) were shared with other communities who were still in the process of confronting mining companies, and were unsure about the way in which they should approach these enterprises. These videos have had a tremendous impact in terms of bringing local grass-root voices to policymakers and to the global level. 
Dedicated ALDAW channels on YouTube and a page on Vimeo were established. For the residents of Palawan, these platforms have become an essential channel for presenting their claims and aspirations, as well as for entering into a dialogue with other indigenous communities from around the globe. ALDAW fieldwork also included the production of geo-tagged images aimed at documenting the overlapping between mining concessions, fragile environments and the ancestral territory of indigenous communities. Geo-tagged photos were loaded into a geo-aware application, displayed on satellite Google map and posted on the ALDAW Facebook Page. ALDAW also posted an Online Petition that, as of the present, has been signed by almost 4,900 people, while ad additional 20,000 signatures were collected through the assistance of Rainforest Rescue. 
Networking and the wide dissemination of information on the Palawan case encouraged other organizations - such as Survival International - to support the ALDAW campaign. As of now, a number of advocacy organizations and research institutions provided added channels for ALDAW to disseminate information including video documentaries (vlogging) and updates from the field. See, for instance, Intercontinental Cry, PPgis.Net Blog , Plant Talk of the Eden Project, Community Solidarity Response Toronto, CEESP, the IUCN Commission on Environmental, Economic and Social Policy, PipLinks (Philippine Indigenous Peoples Links). 
Rainforest Rescue also decided to support ALDAW struggle, by petitioning the UNESCO for taking no action to protect its declared Palawan Man & Biosphere Reserve. As a result of this action, ALDAW has been approached by the UNESCO and preliminary negotiations are ongoing. 
Just when the Palawan campaign almost appeared to have reached its peak, a tragic and unexpected event took place in Palawan on 24 January 2011, Gerry Ortega, an environmental advocate and broadcast journalist, was killed by a gunman after finishing his daily radio program on DWAR Palawan, which had been very critical of mining interests. Right after this, the ABS-CBN Foundation of the Philippine decided to fully support anti-mining efforts in Palawan, through the lunch of a 10 Million Signatures “No to Mining in Palawanonline petition. 
Recently, in response to the mounting outcry from both International and National communities, Pres. Benigno Aquino III announced that the government will cancel more than 300 pending mining applications in Palawan. ALDAW and the NGO community have welcomed the President’s decision, but they also warned that this will have little impact on the ecological integrity of Palawan because it would not stop the destruction and degradation being done by those mining projects that are already operating on the island.
People interested in the topics can join this GoogleGroup.
Impact on policy making:
Here are some articles appeared in the press:
Comments are reflections
The short article summarizes the experience and methodologies of the ALDAW Network in bringing the voices of mining affected communities on Palawan Island (the Philippines) to national and international attention.  The overall ALDAW campaign strategy combines community grounded work with several WEB 2.0 tools/platforms such as YouTube, Vimeo, Blogs, Vlogs, Facebook, Geotagging, GoogleGroups, e-networking, and other tools for monitoring the occurrence of selected topics on the net, etc.
Some of the key lessons learned which ALDAW could share with other indigenous/farmers groups, as well with NGOs and People’s Organizations from different countries include the following:
  1. How to use participatory videos to fostering reflection and joint actions while establishing strategic grass-root alliances against extractive-industries;
  2. How to produce and circulate participatory videos to be used for exerting pressure at the national and international policy level.
This entails producing advocacy tools that are not only addressed to policy makers, conservation and development organizations, but that equally generate intra or inter-community solidarity across regions, as well as common grounds for cross-cultural discussions and analysis.

Report Indigenous and Tribal Peoples' Rights over their Ancestral Lands and Natural Resources

Washington, D.C., February 17, 2011—The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) today published its report Indigenous and Tribal Peoples' Rights over their Ancestral Lands and Natural Resources.

The protection of indigenous peoples' right to property over their ancestral lands is an issue of particular importance to the IACHR because the effective enjoyment of that right involves not only protection of an economic unit but also protection of the human rights of a collectivity whose economic, social, and cultural development is based on its relationship with the land, which is the basis for its worldview. As a result, the Commission has long paid particular attention to indigenous and tribal peoples’ right to communal property over their lands and natural resources, as a right in itself, and as a guarantee of the effective enjoyment of other basic rights.

The right to property pursuant to Article 21 of the American Convention on Human Rights thus has singular importance for indigenous and tribal peoples, because the guarantee of the right to territorial property is a fundamental basis for the development of indigenous communities’ culture, spiritual life, integrity and economic survival. It is a right to territory that encompasses the use and enjoyment of its natural resources. It is directly related, even a pre-requisite, to enjoyment of the rights to an existence under conditions of dignity, to food, water, health, life, honor, dignity, freedom of conscience and religion, freedom of association, the rights of the family, and freedom of movement and residence.

The report the IACHR is publishing today compiles and discusses the scope of indigenous and tribal peoples’ rights over their territories, lands, and natural resources. In this regard, it analyses the obligation of the States to consult with indigenous peoples and guarantee their participation in decisions regarding any measure that affects their territories. The State has to consult them on any matters that might affect them, the purpose of such consultations should be to obtain their free and informed consent, and they must be carried out in accordance with their customs and traditions, through culturally adequate procedures and taking into account their traditional decision-making methods.

The report is based on the legal instruments of the Inter-American system, as interpreted by the Commission and the Inter-American Court in the light of developments in general international human rights law. It also aims to point out specific problems, guidelines, and best practices to enhance the enjoyment of human rights by indigenous and tribal peoples across the hemisphere.

A principal, autonomous body of the Organization of American States (OAS), the IACHR derives its mandate from the OAS Charter and the American Convention on Human Rights. The Inter-American Commission has a mandate to promote respect for human rights in the region and acts as a consultative body to the OAS in this matter. The Commission is composed of seven independent members who are elected in a personal capacity by the OAS General Assembly and who do not represent their countries of origin or residence.

Tuesday, February 22, 2011

Happenings at the United Nations: Workshop for the Creation of an Indigenous Peoples’ Forum

Rome: Rome was the venue this past week for a crucial high-speed two-day workshop on the creation of a Forum to redress pressing agriculturally based concerns involving indigenous peoples.

Delegates representing indigenous groups from Latin America/Caribbean, Africa and Asia/Pacific gathered at the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) to hammer out details on the principles and framework of the Forum.  The Forum is platform by which partnerships with indigenous peoples with regard to agricultural activities can be strengthened, and institutionalized dialog between the United Nations and indigenous peoples can be promulgated.  The creation of the Forum is obligated under the principles and auspices of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP).

One hundred people including IFAD staff and observers were on-hand to witness the proceedings.  Many of the delegates were dressed in their traditional pomp, which made for a splash of eye-catching color.  Proceedings were carried out in on a tri-lingual basis.  English, as the official business language of the United Nations, was heard most throughout the elongated and acoustically smart IFAD conference space.  French and Spanish were heard almost as often.  Linguistic experts in cavernous booths behind the scenes feverishly interpreted the mélange to provide delegates with unwavering translation.

The right to self-determination is at the very heart of issues surrounding indigenous peoples’ struggles.   Full participation in decision-making connected to rights to land and resources is seen as a very necessary step to express self-determination.  This also includes the ability to re-define the definition of “poor” and “poverty.”  The concept of poverty to many indigenous groups is foreign, and likewise do not consider themselves to be “poor.” Many of those representing indigenous groups at the workshop wanted a common understanding and conceptual framework, which addressed systemic communication and agricultural processes between IFAD and themselves so that their voices were well-understood going forward.   Also expressed was that full participation and two-way information sharing is crucial to eliminate any overly “top-down” processes in the creation of agricultural policy carried out at local levels.

Other issues brought to the fore were climate change, development aggression, identity, totemism, gender balance, livelihood representation, equal regional community representation, and lived experience. This workshop was not a policy making fora, but a space to work out details of an agreed upon policy framework. The hope is the that Forum will provide a strong framework and continuum to allow for open dialog between and among indigenous communities, national governments, and IFAD on very important agricultural projects.  The outcomes will certainly have reciprocal importance for us all.  To follow the action, please see IFAD’s website: www.ifad.org.

By Sam Yellen

Sunday, January 23, 2011

Macroasia and the Plundering of Protected Areas: Unravelling the Roots of Illegality

ALDAW, Puerto Princesa - In spite of the growing outpour of international support and solidarity, it appears to be no end to the attempts of some government institutions to transform the Philippines “Last Frontier” (Palawan Island) into one of the most popular mining destinations (click on the map below to see the details!).

Click the map to enlarge it to its original size !
Indeed, the violation of indigenous ancestral land rights on Palawan Island (Philippines) has exacerbated towards the end of 2010, with the proliferation of street protests and peaceful demonstrations. On December 21, the Palawan Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD) [in the absence of the chair, NGO representative, and with the vice governor opposing] affirmed the decision of the PCSD executive committee made last December 4, 2010, to issue Strategic Environmental Plan (SEP) clearances to Macro Asia Mining Corporation and Ipilan Nickel Mining Corporation (INC).
According to the Environmental Legal Environmental Center (ELAC) such clearances would enable these mining corporations to conduct large-scale mining operations within natural forests, protected areas and within the ancestral domain of the Palawan indigenous peoples. According to the SEP, the affected areas are classified as ‘strict protection’ or ‘core zones’ and ‘restricted use zones’. “The PCSD decision overstepped the bounds of the law that it is mandated to uphold, and ultimately placed Palawan’s natural and cultural heritages at great risk” said ELAC Attorney Gerthie Mayo Anda.

Surprisingly, on July 30, the indigenous peoples of Palawan and the local NGOs had succeeded in obtaining from the Palawan Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD) a deferment of a SEP endorsement to MacroAsia Corp. On that occasion Governor Baham Mitra agreed to defer the decision to endorse a SEP clearance to MacroAsia until a multipartite team composed of PCSD technical staff, local government officials, NGOs and Indigenous Peoples’ representatives would have visited the proposed area to investigate indigenous peoples complaints. Sadly, since then, the PCSD has made no efforts in constituting the much-wanted “multipartite team”.

The PCSD is the government body in charge of implementing the “Strategic Environmental Plan”, a very special environmental law aiming at ensuring the sustainable development on the island. This ‘Strategic Plan’ was created and put into place through conspicuous financial resources coming from the European Union which culminated with the  implementation of the Palawan Tropical Forestry Protection Programme (PTFPP). “It would be tremendously useful if the European Commission itself would begin an in-depth evaluation on how its multi-million investments in the preservation of Palawan Island have been rather vilified by reckless mining policies and by short-sighted politicians. Somebody must be made accountable for these conservation failures” said Dario Novellino, International Coordinator of the ALDAW Network (Ancestral Land Domain Watch).

Palawan is well known as the bio-diversity richest province in the Philippines and, for this reason, in the eighties, the entire island was declared by the UNESCO as a Man and Biosphere Reserve. “We tried to approach UNESCO several times on this issue” said a spokesman of the ALDAW Network (Ancestral Land/Domain Watch). “Through its silent and inertia, the UNESCO has shown, once again, how these declarations bring little or no benefits to local communities, especially when there is no clear political commitment to uphold them. Overall UNESCO has revealed the general weakness of the entire United Nations system, that is a chronic incapacity to take unequivocal positions on urgent matters requiring unambiguous and concerted political efforts” he added.


The political squabbles underlying the mining saga on Palawan Island are clearly detected in the ambiguous behavior of the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) - the official government body in charge of protecting the rights of tribal communities. As of now, the NCIP Palawan Provincial Office has bluntly violated all required procedures leading to transparent and genuine FPIC processes, siding instead with the mining companies. As a result, the indigenous communities of Brooke’s Point Municipality have bitterly rejected the so-called Certificates of Precondition issued by the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP), in favor of mining companies.

On January 2011, Alyansa Tigil Mina (“The Alliance Against Mining”) - the largest advocacy network in the Philippines - has asked clarifications to NCIP national office on the compilation of an investigation report allegedly prepared by NCIP Provincial Officer Roldan Parangue, in response to the complains raised by the indigenous people of Brookes’ Point. In a letter dated 11 January 2011 Myrna L. Caoagas, from NCIP National, stated that the NCIP main office has never received such report.
Obviously, while the NCIP is unable to provide evidences of Indigenous Peoples’ Free and Prior Informed Consent, MacroAsia Corporation and INC are working hard to prove that their operations have been favorably accepted by local communities.  Village people that are not from Brookes’ Point Municipality are “induced” by both companies to make positive statements in their favor. Specifically, Mrs. Apolonia “Onyang” De Las Alas, a councilor from Mabalot village - and originally from the Municipality of Agutaya, in the North of Palawan - was invited to talk on the behalf of the indigenous peoples of Brookes’ Point in a press conference jointly organized by MacroAsia and INC, on January 5.  This has raised a fierce reaction on the part of the traditional and legitimate indigenous leaders.  Meanwhile, the ALDAW network has decided to approach Congressman Teddy Brawner Baguilat  (chairperson of the National Cultural Committee) requesting a Congressional Investigation of these matters.However, time to save Palawan is running out: towards the end of this month, Baham Mitra, Governor of Palawan and chairman of the PCSD will express his own decision on whether to endorse a SEP clearance to MacroAsia, Ipilan Nickel Corporation and LEBACH. As of now, all these companies have failed to secure the needed social acceptability requirements and have bluntly violated the basic tenets of both the Strategic Environmental Plan (SEC) and of the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA Law).

Once again, one of the government agencies to be blamed for these violations is the Palawan Council for Sustainable Development (SEP). ELAC believes that “the Council overlooked the clear intent of the SEP law when it compromised its zoning policy to accommodate certain mining interests”. For the same reason, the ALDAW network has recently requested the PCSD to stop any further attempt of changing the definition of ‘core zones’ and other zones to allow mining activities in forested land.  It has already been established that some definitions such as those of “controlled use zones” found in the Strategic Environmental Plan have been amended by the Council to please extractive industries. For instance, according to the SEP law, in Controlled Use Area – (the outer protective barrier that encircles the core and restricted use areas): “strictly controlled mining and logging, which is not for profit… may be allowed”. Uncharacteristically, the “not for profit” specification has been eliminated, thus opening these zones to commercial extractive activities.

Clearly, the newly produced ALDAW video and additional geotagged evidences reveal that MacroAsia and INC have carried out exploration activities in ‘core zones’ (areas of maximum protection), as well as in ‘restricted zones’ and watershed areas. The locations of MacroAsia test-pits have been documented in areas of pristine virgin forest, and also at high altitudes (e.g. around and above 1,000 meters ASL) and specifically in those areas of primary forest where indigenous people harvest the resin of Almaciga trees (Agathis philippinensis), which is traded by the local communities for rice and other prime commodities.ALDAW geotagging-data further indicates that LEBACH drilling activities are also taking place out of the limits of its Mineral Production Sharing Agreement (MPSA) area.  Recently, the company has also harassed and intimidated local farmers by cutting their coconut palms, in the attempt of forcing them out of their own land. In conjunction with these field investigations, Artiso Mandawa, ALDAW national coordinator, has received persistent dead threats. “I will continue to fight for my people and my land, until the President of the Philippines puts a halt to all those mining investments that are genocidal to indigenous people” said Mandawa.


We are afraid that the pronunciation of the newly elected President and especially of the Department of Environment and Natural Resources is that they would pursue mining as an economic policy, just like the previous Arroyo government. We cannot fight climate change if we will not prioritize sustainable development” added Alyansa Tigil Mina National Coordinator Jaybee Garganera.

It is rather ironic that President “Noynoy” Aquino’s centerpiece program is poverty alleviation and strict implementation of anti-corruption measures. Corruption, however, is not only about grafting, it is a state of mind, something that contradicts all ethical principles on which human coexistence and well being should be based.  Sacrificing watersheds, forests and people’s livelihood in favor of foreign profit is unethical; it is the most corrupted way of dealing with public welfare while jeopardizing the future of the coming generations.  Surely, “Noynoy” Aquino’s fight against corruption and poverty will not be credible, until the new administration comes up with a new mining policy to ban mining in Palawan, while revoking Executive Order 270-A or the revitalization of mining for the Philippines as a whole.

What you can do ...

Sign a Petition to Stop Mining in Palawan!

And address your concerns to:

For more information watch ALDAW videos on Vimeo and on YouTube or contact the ALDAW INDIGENOUS NETWORK (Ancestral Land/Domain Watch) aldaw.indigenousnetwork@gmail.com , ELAC (Environmental Legal Assistance Center) palawan@elac.org.ph or padayon_egl@yahoo.com and or Alyansa Tigil Mina (nc@alyansatigilmina.net or alyansatigilmina@gmail.com )

Source: ALDAW, 22 January 2011


ALDAW INDIGENOUS NETWORK
(Ancestral Land/Domain Watch)
is a Philippines-based advocacy campaign network of Indigenous Peoples
 defending their ancestral land and resources from mining corporations, oil palm companies, top-down conservation schemes and all forms of imposed development.





Saturday, January 08, 2011

Indigenous Peoples and the Collaborative Stewardship of Nature

Involving Indigenous peoples and traditional knowledge into natural resource management produces more equitable and successful outcomes. Unfortunately, argue Anne Ross and co-authors, even many “progressive” methods fail to produce truly equal partnerships. This book offers a comprehensive and global overview of the theoretical, methodological, and practical dimensions of co-management. The authors critically evaluate the range of management options that claim to have integrated Indigenous peoples and knowledge, and then outline an innovative, alternative model of co-management, the Indigenous Stewardship Model. They provide detailed case studies and concrete details for application in a variety of contexts. Broad in coverage and uniting robust theoretical insights with applied detail, this book is ideal for scholars and students as well as for professionals in resource management and policy.

Indigenous Peoples and the Collaborative Stewardship of Nature
Knowledge Binds and Institutional Conflicts
Anne Ross (Author); Kathleen Pickering Sherman (Author); Jeffrey G. Snodgrass (Author); Henry D. Delcore (Author); Richard Sherman (Author)
320 pp. / 6.00 x 9.00 / Dec, 2010
Hardback (978-1-59874-577-1)
Paperback (978-1-59874-578-8)

Thursday, December 02, 2010

Participatory 3-Dimensional Modelling: Guiding Principles and Applications; 2010 edition

The Technical Centre for Agricultural and Rural Cooperation ACP-EU (CTA) recently released a new edition of the handbook "Participatory 3D Modelling: Guiding Principles and Applications; 2010 Edition”. The Global Environment Facility (GEF) Small Grants Programme (SGP) supported its French and Spanish versioning. The documents are now available in three languages as free downloads at high and medium resolutions.
Participatory three-dimensional modelling (P3DM) is a participatory mapping method integrating indigenous spatial knowledge with data on elevation of the land and depth of the sea to produce stand-alone, scaled and geo-referenced 3D models. Essentially based on recollections from memory, land use and cover and other features are depicted by informants on the model by using push pins for points, yarns for lines and paints for polygons. On completion, a scaled and geo-referenced grid is applied to facilitate data extraction or importation. Data depicted on the model are extracted, digitised and plotted. On completion of the mapping exercise, the model remains with the community.

P3DM has been conceived as a method for bringing the potential of GIS closer to rural communities and for bridging the gap that exists between geographic information technologies and capacities found among marginalised and isolated communities who are frequently dependent on natural resources.

This handbook is intended to assist activists, researchers and practitioners of participatory learning and action (PLA) and GIS in bringing the power of GIS to the grassroots level through the use of P3DM. It provides hands-on guidelines on how to organise and implement a P3DM exercise. In addition it includes insights on adult learning and spatial cognition, on the history of relief models and on the use of the method around the world.


On 5 November 2007, P3DM was granted the World Summit Award 2007 in the category of e-culture. P3DM was considered to be one of the 40 best practice examples of quality e-content in the world.

Versión en francésVersión en español  | English version

Saturday, November 20, 2010

Indigenous Peoples and the European Union

Supporting the rights of Indigenous peoples is an integral part of the European Union's human rights policy. The legal basis of the European Union's approach to working with and supporting indigenous peoples (IPs) is governed by the Commission Working Document on support for indigenous peoples which was adopted in 1998, followed by the Council Resolution which provides the main guidelines for the policy. In November 2002, the Conclusions on Indigenous Peoples recalled the commitment to the 1998 Resolution and invited the Community and Member States to continue its implementation. The basic principles of cooperation with indigenous peoples, as spelled out in the 1998 Council Resolution are:
  • the importance of self-development, which implies the recognition and respect of indigenous people's own social, economic and cultural development and of their own cultural identities, including their right to object to projects in their traditional areas;
  • the consequent need to ensure the effective participation of indigenous peoples at all stages of the project cycle and to permit their free prior and informed consent;
  • the recognition of the key role played by indigenous peoples notably in the conservation and sustainable use of natural resources; and
  • acknowledgement that cooperation with indigenous peoples is considered essential for the objectives of poverty elimination and sustainable development of natural resources, the observance of human rights and the development of democracy.
The principles of the European Union's engagement towards indigenous peoples are applied in the context of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous Peoples of 2007, which advances the rights of indigenous peoples around the world. Indigenous issues are consistently mainstreamed in European Commission's development cooperation strategies. In addition, the Commission gives direct support to civil society organisations working on indigenous issues, through various thematic instruments, in particular through the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR).


Related news

Source: EU Policy on Indigenous Peoples

Wednesday, November 10, 2010

Oil Palm Expansion: A New Threat to Palawan UNESCO Man and Biosphere Reserve

ALDAW, Puerto Princesa - In addition to the alarming expansion of nickel mining on Palawan island  (already reported on previous PLANT TALKS releases) indigenous peoples are now being confronted with the threats posed by the expansion of oil palm plantations. The province of Palawan is part of the “Man and Biosphere Reserve” program of UNESCO and hosts 49 animals and 56 botanical species found in the IUCN Red List of Threatened Species.  It is also the home of isolated and vanishing indigenous communities. 

Agrofuels in Palawan, as elsewhere in the Philippines, have been portrayed as a key solution to lower greenhouse gas emission, achieve energy independence, as well as a tool for poverty eradication.  With these objects in mind, the Provincial Government of Palawan is strongly promoting agrofuels development, without taking into account the socio-ecological impact of such mono-crop plantations. As a result, thousands of hectares of lands in the province have been set aside for jatropha feedstock and oil palm.

Oil palm plantations, in Palawan, are being established by the Agumil Philippines Inc., a joint venture between Filipino and Malaysian investors, that also engages in the processing of palm oil. The LandBank of the Philippines is backing the project financially.

The local indigenous network ALDAW (Ancestral Land Domain Watch), in collaboration with other local organizations and Palawan NGOs, is making a call for the implementation of more restrictive regulations on oil palm expansion to halt deforestation, habitat destruction, food scarcity, and violation of indigenous peoples’ rights.  In addition to this, oil palm plantations are also expanding into the indigenous fallow land (benglay), thus reducing the number of rotational areas needed for the swidden cycle. As of now, the Palawan municipality of Española has the highest percentage of oil palms, and plantations are fast expanding also to other municipalities such as Brooke’s Point, Bataraza, Rizal, Quezon, etc. In some municipalities, oil palms are already competing and taking over cultivated areas (e.g. rice fields), which are sustaining local self-sufficiency.

“LandBank’s contribution to President Aquino’s commitment to develop the rural economy and to raise farmers’ income should not include oil palms development. It is well known that this crop benefits better-off farmers and entrepreneurs, rather then small-scale farmers and indigenous peoples.  We look forward to more sustainable investments for improving agricultural productivity of marginalized farmers. Meanwhile, a moratorium on oil palm expansion should be implemented with haste” said Artiso Mandawa, ALDAW Chairman.

In the community of Iraray II (Municipality of Española) indigenous people complain that a ‘new’ pest has spread from the neighboring oil palm plantations to their cultivated fields devouring hundreds of coconut palms by boring large networks of tiny tunnels into the palms’ trunks. Local indigenous people showed specimens of this pest to ALDAW mission members, and the insect was later identified as the Red Palm Weevil (Rhynchophorus ferrugineus).  The red weevil is reported to be a native of south Asia, however, the Palawan of Iraray II claims that they only began to experience massive pest attacks on their coconut groves, after oil palms were introduced into the area at the expense of the local population of buri palms (Corypha elata). The latter is a popular basketry material for both the local Palawan and farmer communities. The trunk of this palm contains edible starch. The bud (ubud) is also edible raw or cooked, as well as the kernels of the nuts.


ALDAW preliminary findings, obtained in collaboration with the Centre for Biocultural Diversity (CBCD) – University of Kent, indicate there is a scarcity of public records showing the processes and procedures leading to the issuance of land conversion permits and environmental clearances to oil palm companies, as well as to the local cooperatives created in the various barangays.  Moreover, ALDAW is also in the process of mapping all oil palm locations in Palawan, through the use of geotagging technologies.  Evidence indicates that – in most cases - members of indigenous communities, who have ‘rented’ portions of their land to the oil company, have no clear understanding of the nature of such ‘agreements’ nor they possess written contracts countersigned by the company. There is a risk that members of local communities who have joined the so-called ‘cooperatives’ will soon become indebted with the oil company. In fact they provide very cheap labor and also barrow funds to purchase fertilizer, pesticides and equipment, while the company controls every aspect of production.

Overall, it would appear that land conversion into oil palm plantations is happening with little or no monitoring on the part of those government agencies (e.g. Palawan Council for Sustainable Development) that are responsible for the sustainable management of the Province.

The new trend in the Philippine Market: switching from coconut to palm oil

There is a new trend in the Philippines, leading to the acceleration of oil palm expansion.  National vegetable oil millers and refiners are now keen on selling the cheaper palm oil for the domestic market, so that all coconut oil would be exported. Coconut oil, in fact, commands a higher premium in the international market. However, contrary to oil palms, coconut cultivation is endemic to the Philippines and this palm provides multiple products to local farmers, thus sustaining household based economy.



Since 2005, cooking oil manufacturers have increased imports of the cheap palm oil by 90 percent. The use of the palm oil has progressively increased in the local market as household consumers and institutional buyers have preferred it because of the price difference compared with edible coconut oil. Fast-food giants such as Jollibee Foods Corp., have switched to palm oil for their business.

The General Context of Oil Palm Development

Crude palm oil (CPO) consumption worldwide has doubled between 2000 and 2010 with the main new demand coming from Eastern Europe, India and China. By and large, the price of palm oil has increased almost steadily over the past 20 years. Two countries in South East Asia, Malaysia and Indonesia, produce over 80% of the internationally traded CPO. While significant expansion is occurring in Thailand, Papua New Guinea, Costa Rica, Colombia, Ecuador, Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo and it is now taking over in the Philippines. Currently there are an estimated 4 million hectares of land under oil palms in Malaysia and over 7.5 million hectares in Indonesia. In Peninsular Malaysia, the palm oil frontier has come near to the limits of land availability and most expansion within Malaysia is now in the two Eastern States of Sabah and Sarawak. Much of the investment for oil palm expansion has come from European Banks but, increasingly, funds are being raised from Islamic banks in the Middle East, and from investors from India and China. It has been estimated that about two thirds of the companies opening lands to plant oil palm in Indonesia are majority-owned by Malaysian conglomerates

The economies of scale and the characteristics of oil palm favor the development of large plantations, meaning that land needs to be acquired in large blocks and huge areas converted to monocultures. Obviously, this pressure to acquire land has implications for those who currently own the same areas, who are for the most part ‘indigenous peoples’ and small household farmers. Since 2004, international and local NGOs have produced a series of detailed reports based on field surveys and the direct testimony of affected people, which document the serious human rights abuses resulting from the imposition of oil palm plantations. The publications show that these abuses are widespread, are inherent in the way lands are acquired and estates are developed and continue up to the present day. Among the most persistent problems are the following: acquisition of lands and smallholder schemes violates the rights of indigenous peoples to their property. Their lands are being taken off them without due payment and without remedy. In addition, their right to give or withhold their free, prior and informed consent for these proposed developments is being violated. In Indonesia, those that sign up to join imposed schemes are not informed that this reallocation of lands implies a permanent surrender of their rights in land. The dramatic changes in local landscapes and ecosystems - including the loss of agricultural and agroforestry lands, hunting grounds, game, fish, forests, as well as water for drinking, cooking and bathing - in turn have major consequences and deprive people of their customary livelihoods and means of subsistence.

Unfair processes of land use allocation and land acquisition and the lack of respect for local communities and indigenous peoples’ rights not only result in marginalization and impoverishment but also give rise to long term disputes over land, which all too often escalate into conflicts with concomitant human rights abuses due to repressive actions by company or State security forces.

Generally, when large agricultural firms enter an area, community members loose access to traditional food zones and other NTFP resources. As a result, they end up becoming employers of oil palm plantations. Lacking legal title to their land, deals are often structured so that members of the community acquire 2-3 hectares (508 acres) of land for oil palm cultivation. In Borneo (Eastern Malaysia and Kalimantan) they typically borrow some $3,000-6,000 (at 30 percent interest per year) from the parent firm for the seedlings, fertilizers, and other supplies. Because oil palm takes roughly 7 years to bear fruit, they work as day laborers at $2.50 per day on mature plantations. In the meantime their plot generates no income but requires fertilizers and pesticides, which are purchased from the oil palm company. Once their plantation becomes productive, the average income for a 2 hectare allotment is $682-900 per month. In the past, rubber and wood generated $350-1000 month (see Lisa Curran studies and WWF Germany reports).

Loss of Biodiversity

As of now, scientific evidence indicates that beyond the obvious deforestation that results from clearing lowland rainforest for plantations, there is a significant reduction (on the order of 80 percent for plants and 80-90 percent for mammals, birds, and reptiles) in biological diversity following forest conversion to oil palm plantation. Moreover, the use of herbicides and pesticides used in oil palm plantations heavily pollutes local waterways. Notoriously, further destruction of peat land has increases the risk of flooding and fire.

The Legal Framework

The legal frameworks in the world’s two foremost palm oil producing countries are inappropriate to protect indigenous peoples’ rights and ensure an equitable development process. In spite of innovative environmental and pro-indigenous legislation, also in the Philippines the issue of oil palm expansion with reference to farmers and indigenous peoples’ rights does show a high degree of paucity.

International organizations have begun to pin their hopes of reform on the creation of a global market in carbon to curb deforestation, although whether this will help or harm indigenous peoples is a matter of debate. Indeed, initial calculations based on current prices, in the voluntary carbon trading market, suggest that market-based payments for Reducing in Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) will not be enough by themselves to make economies based on maintaining natural forests competitive with oil palm. If, however, there is to be a real moratorium on land clearance then this may provide an important opportunity for the Government to effect reforms in the forestry and plantations sectors, take firm steps to amend the laws so they recognize indigenous peoples’ rights and adopt a more measured approach to rural development that gives priority to local communities’ initiatives and not the interests of foreign backed companies.

In the international arena, civil society is presently engaging with processes of the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO), which is an initiative established by businesses involved in the production, processing and retail of oil palm and WWF. Key members include Malaysian and Indonesian palm oil companies and European processing and retailing companies.  RSPO is attempting to agree and apply an industry best practice standard for the production and use of palm oil in socially and environmentally acceptable ways. Civil society engagement in this process has secured: 1) the establishment of the RSPO Task Force on Smallholders, which has Developed Guidance to ensure smallholder engagement; 2) strong social protections and requirements for respect for the rights of indigenous peoples, workers, women in the RSPO Principles and Criteria (the standard); and 3) a certification process that is meant to ensure adherence to the standard.

However, there are major concerns about this process, such as the growing concern that RSPO members are operating to double standards, most indigenous peoples and local communities and smallholders remain unaware of the RSPO and are still unclear how they can use it to secure their rights and fair development outcomes.  Wider awareness needs to be fostered among NGOs to build on the gains, if any, being made at the RSPO, among others. To date, sustained civil society engagement with the industry and national dialogues about oil palm have been limited to Indonesia and to a lesser extent Malaysia. In the Philippines, local actions in addressing oil palm issues have so far been limited and thus, there is a need for greater sharing and concerted action at the local/national and regional levels.

* Section of this report have been extracted from Forest People Programme (FPP) report: “Palm oil and indigenous peoples in South East Asia. Land acquisition, human rights violations and indigenous peoples on the palm oil frontier” by Marcus Colchester. Other sources: The Rights and Resources Initiative (RRI), RECOFTC, Sawit Watch, the Samdhana Institute, Dr. Lisa M. Curran, School of Forestry and Environmental Studies, Yale University, WWF Germany.


What you can do:

Sign the online Petition to Stop Mining and Oil Palm Expansion in Palawan
And address your concerns to:

*PALAWAN COUNCIL FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT (PCSD)
oed@pcsd.ph . AND c/o Mearl Hilario mearlhilario@yahoo.com
FAX: 0063 (048) 434-4234

*Honorable Governor of Palawan
Baham Mitra
abmitra2001@yahoo.com FAX: 0063 (048) 433-2948

*Palawan Project Manager
Agumil Philippines, Inc
Agusan Plantations Group. Fax 0063 323444884

*Mrs. Gilda E. Pico, President and CEO, Land Bank of the Philippines
landbank@mail.landbank.com Fax: 0063 2 528-8580

or contact the ALDAW Network (Ancestral Land/Domain Watch) aldawnetwork@gmail.com



Source: ALDAW Network

Thursday, October 28, 2010

Localisation, Participation and Communication: an Introduction to Good PGIS Practice

Localisation, Participation and Communication: an Introduction to Good PGIS Practice from Giacomo Rambaldi on Vimeo.

This 25-min educational video documentary introduces the practice of participatory spatial information management and communication (PGIS) in the development context. It has been designed to introduce development practitioners (technology intermediaries) to the practice of demand-driven PGIS.

In this video, PGIS practice is presented as a continuum starting from community mobilisation to project planning and design, choice of mapping methods and technologies, visualisation of different technologies in diverse ethno-cultural and agro-ecological environments, and finally putting the maps to work in the domains of identity building, self-determination, spatial planning and advocacy.

Ethics and sound attitudes and behaviours are emphasized as cross-cutting imperatives.

French | Spanish | Portuguese

Saturday, September 18, 2010

Macroasia scam continues: mining fever bypasesses state laws and government promises

ALDAW - September 15 - An update by the ALDAW Network (Ancestral Land Domain Watch)
Despite a growing outpour of international support and solidarity, there is no end to the attempts of the Philippines’ Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) to transform Palawan (a UNESCO Man and Biosphere Reserve) into one of the most popular mining destinations. Only this week, MacroAsia Multi-Billion Giant (MAC)] through the pages of the ‘Philippine Star’has announced to have received an Environmental Clearance Certificate (ECC) from DENR to carry out mining operations over a total land area of about 1,114 hectares, in the Municipality of Brookes’ Point (see ). This will lead to the devastation of one of the last and best conserved forests in the Philippines, which treasures high-biodiversity and is also the home of vulnerable indigenous communities.

According to Artiso Mandawa (ALDAW chairman) “ECC endorsement to MacroAsia by DENR clearly shows that National decisions are violating and bypassing the legal procedures underlying the endorsement of mining permits. In Palawan the law requires mining companies to secure first a clearance from the Palawan Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD) before applying for a ECC and – as of now - MacroAsia has failed to do so”. PCSD (/) is a local government body in charge of implementing the Strategic Environmental Plan (SEP law) for the protection and sustainable management of the Province.

Surprisingly, only less than two months ago, the indigenous peoples of Palawan and the local NGOs had succeeded in obtaining from the Palawan Council for Sustainable Development (PCSD) a deferment of a SEP endorsement to MAC. On a PCSD meeting held on July 30, GPS evidences presented by the ALDAW network (Ancestral Land Domain Watch) and by its international partner (the Centre for Biocultural Diversity (CBCD) – University of Kent) had clearly demonstrated that MAC mining interests are concentrated in areas of high biodiversity, in primary forest and up and above to 1,000m ASL. Due to the evidences jointly brought forwards by ALDAW and CBCD, it was decided to defer the decision to endorse a SEP clearance to MacroAsia until a multipartite team composed of PCSD technical staff, local government officials, NGOs and Indigenous Peoples’ representatives would have visited the proposed area to investigate ALDAW findings and the complains raised by the NGO community (see here and here). Sadly this official decision is now being circumvented by the actions of DENR.


According to the ‘Philippine Star’ article, the ECC has been released to MacroAsia after a thorough project review and a series of consultations conducted principally under the supervision of the Environmental Management Bureau. “Government authorities are lying, we indigenous communities have rejected mining ever since and even during recent public consultations” says Panglima Sagad, a local elder and traditional Palawan leader. In reality, in February 2009, a petition complaining about the lack of consultation with regard to the passage of the 2007 local government resolution endorsing mining in Brooke’s Point, was signed by both farmers and indigenous peoples. Moreover, peoples demonstrations and a rally carried out in Brookes’ Point on August 27, 2009 convinced the former Mayor to call for additional public consultations to determine the degree of public oppositions to mining activities. The result of these consultations carried out on October 27 and 28, 2009, and the final counting of the votes obtained during these events, indicate that the majority of population in barangays Ipilan and Maasin are united against, and solidly opposing mining. On March 13, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR) together with MAC and Ipilan Nickel Corporation (INC) set up a public consultation in barangay Mambalot (Brooke’s Point). Interviews to community people attending the consultation, as well as the testimony of Mrs. Erlinda Edep, Barangay Captain of Mambalot, indicate that participants were paid an amount of 200.00 pesos for attending the consultation, and that this inducement was agreed by the mining companies. In spite of MAC and INC attempts to manipulate and control the whole process, the overwhelming majority of peoples attending the public consultation, still expressed their clear opposition against mining operations. Grass-root opposition to mining in Brookes’ Point has also been manifested in the course of numerous street protests culminating in the so called ‘Karaban’ rally at the Provincial Capitol on June 8, 2010

The recent article on the ‘Philippine Star’ further emphasizes that “in 2008, the Supreme Court has ruled with finality that MacroAsia has vested and legal rights to its MPSA”. However, according to Atty. Gerthie Mayo Anda of ELAC (Environmental Legal Assistant Center) “the vested argument is skewed and cannot be sustained. It is well-settled in Philippine jurisprudence that exploration, development and utilization of natural resources through licenses, concessions or leases are mere grants or privileges by the State; and being so, they may be revoked, rescinded, altered or modified when public interest so requires”. Says Atty. Mary Jean Feliciano of ALDAW “public interest in this particular case refers not only to vulnerable indigenous communities but also to thousands of migrant farmers and fishermen which have contributed to the prosperity and sustainable development of Brooke’s Point Municipality, and whose basic rights are now being trampled down”.

Ironically enough the DENR, through the issuance of an ECC to MacroAsia, is not only bypassing legal procedures, but it is also infringing the Philippine Mining Act which prohibits mining in old growth or virgin forest, proclaimed watershed forest reserves, wilderness area, and other areas of outstanding environmental value. The DENR is also neglecting those international obligations to which the Philippine Government is obliged. “Palawan, in fact, is a UNESCO Man and Biosphere Reserve but the national government is violating the condition for which such prestigious award was granted. Not only MacroAsia operations, but also those of other mining companies in Palawan are contravening the provisions contained in well-know conventions ratified by the Philippine Government: the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD)], the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, etc.” says Dr. Novellino, UKC/CBCD researcher.

Allegedly MacroAsia, according to the Philippine Mineral Reporting Code, has now completed a seven-phased exploration program over 535.5 hectares or 48 percent of the MPSA’s total. The results indicate a total resource tonnage of around 88.36 million dry metric tons of ore. This is likely to translate into a foreseeable export of one million tons of nickel per year either to China, Japan or Australia. “One of our objectives” says ALDAW Chairman Artiso Mandawa “is to inform the public opinion on the tragedy that MacroAsia open-pith nickel extraction will cause to our indigenous peoples, farmers and our precious forest. We hope that this will encourage potential partners not to invest in MacroAsia stocks”

The irony of Palawan is to have one of the best environmental laws in the country (the Strategic Environmental Plan), but the law itself is continuously being amended to favor large corporations. As a result, both Indigenous organizations and Palawan NGOs are now requesting the PCSD to stop any attempt of changing the definition of ‘core zones’ and other zones to allow mining activities in forested land. “It has already been established that some definitions such as those of ‘controlled use zones’ found in the Strategic Environmental Plan have been amended by the Council to please extractive industries” says Dr. Novellino. He also added “for instance, according to the SEP law, in Controlled Use Area – (the outer protective barrier that encircles the core and restricted use areas): ‘strictly controlled mining and logging, which is not for profit…may be allowed’. Recently the ‘not for profit’ specification has been eliminated, thus opening these zones to commercial extractive activities”.

Aside from MacroAsia, other mining companies are posing equally serious threats to the people of Brookes’ Point, in particular the Ipilan Nickel Corporation (INC) and the Lebach. The latter has been given both SEP clearance by the PCSD and ECC by DENR over a total area of 5,839 hectares and, again, without the consent of the local communities. The local inhabitants are now questioning the authenticity of the so called Certificates of Precondition issued by the National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP), in favor of Lebach, respectively on October 5 and November 4 2005. On July 24, 2009, NCIP confirmed the issuances of such certificates, claiming that the company’s concession does not overlap with the indigenous ancestral domain. This claim, of course, has been contradicted by both indigenous peoples and farmers who have now decided to filing criminal and administrative cases against PCSD, DENR and NCIP. Even more worrying is the fact that large tracts of Lebach concession include cultivated land, as well as the farmers’ and indigenous peoples’ settlements. According to recent field information, the Lebach company is now harassing and intimidating local farmers by cutting their coconut palms. The final objective is to force peasants out of their land.

As usual, mining companies operations are being justified in the name economic development. However, a recent study by Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM) - an alliance of mining-affected communities and their support groups –  have recently demonstrated that mining industry in the Philippines has failed to keep its promises of investments, employment and tax revenues. Jaybee Garganera, ATM National Coordinator reported, “The government barely achieved its targets and we have evidence to show this. For instance, the government had targeted at least $6 billion or Php 288 billion worth of investments for priority large-scale projects, but as September 2009, only $2.1 billion or Php 100.8 billion (35%) of its actual target came in as investments. He also added that from a target of Php 336 billion pesos as tax revenue, only Php 26 billion pesos was collected, or merely 8%”. He also noted that there were discrepancies on government records about the jobs generated by the mining industry. The Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE) reported 158,00 jobs (including quarrying), while another Philippine official report pegged that number at only 13,462. “Granting that 158,000 jobs were created in 2008 that is only 66% of the promised jobs” said Garganera

In spite of all this, mining pressure on the Philippine Last Frontier is escalating, with DENR fast-tracking mining contracts at an alarming speed. For both indigenous organizations and NGOs, having to deal with the widespread corruption, and with the multitude of new and emerging mining companies, has become a very strenuous, uncertain and overwhelming task. “For this reason” says ALDAW Chairman Artiso Mandawa “we are now looking for a long-lasting and stable solution to this problem. Hence we are appealing to the newly elected president Noynoy Aquino to scrap the mining act and declare Palawan a mining-free province. The President has the power to reverse those policies that have brought much suffering to our people and to our precious environment".

What you can do

Sign a Petition to Stop Mining in Palawan!


And address your concerns to:

*Paje, Ramon J.P. DENR SECRETARY
osec@denr.gov.ph

*DENR Head Executive Assistant
hea@denr.gov.ph

* The Director of MINES AND GEOSCIENCE BUREAU (MGB)
mines_r4@yahoo.com
tenement.mgb.gov.ph@gmail.com
tenement@mgb.gov.ph

*MacroAsia Corporation
info@macroasiacorp.com

*PALAWAN COUNCIL FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT (PCSD)
oed@pcsd.ph. AND c/o Mearl Hilario mearlhilario@yahoo.com
FAX: 0063 (048) 434-4234

*Honorable Governor of Palawan
Baham Mitra
abmitra2001@yahoo.com FAX: 0063 (048) 433-2948

For more information watch ALDAW videos
http://www.vimeo.com/aldawnetwork
http://www.youtube.com/user/ALDAWpalawan
http://hub.witness.org/en/users/aldaw-network

or contact the ALDAW Network (Ancestral Land/Domain Watch) aldawnetwork@gmail.com

Source: ALDAW Network

Tuesday, August 31, 2010

Update on the protection of Phiphidi Fall Sacred Site, Venda, South Africa

The story so far…

The story began in 2005 when some of the women in the Venda community began to take action to revive their rich traditions. They initiated a number of activities with elder women and men knowledge holders to analyse and reflect on the past, what is happening to their way of life now and what they could do about the problems they face. Out of this process they identified the degradation of sacred sites and the obligatory practices associated with them as one of the root causes for the disorder in their community. They intensified their work to revive the knowledge and practices with the sacred sites guardians, who formed Dzomo la Mupo (voice of the Earth) - a sacred sites committee led by the Makhadzis (elder women custodians) in 2008, to have an organisational base from which to coordinate the growing movement with communities around this work.

Over the past 2 years the Ramunangi traditional practitioners, who are part of Dzomo la Mupo, made many attempts to communicate with traditional leaders and local authorities about the picnic site in Phiphidi Fall Sacred Site, which had resulted in deforestation, littering and a gate which prevented the custodians from entering their site freely. According to the custodians, who have been acknowledged as the guardians of Phiphidi Waterfall since before records began, such public activities in a sacred site are a violation of traditional law. This tourist site has prevented the Ramunangi from carrying out their rainmaking rituals, which are a vital part of the ritual cycle connected to the network of other sacred sites and the territory as a whole. Their appeals were ignored.

In November 2009 - benefitting from support provided by CTA, the Gaia Foundation and the African Biodiversity Network (ABN) - the Mupo Foundation (which formed in 2007 to support this work), hosted an eco- cultural mapping process, in which Dzomo la Mupo and a number representatives of other communities were involved. Together they mapped the network of sacred sites embedded in the sacred territory of Venda.




The Makhadzis have continued the mapping process with each of the communities since, as a way of deepening the collective knowledge and understanding of communities about their territory and the ecological laws embedded in it and reflected in their traditions.

In April 2010, bulldozers moved into Phiphidi Sacred Site. Why? To build a tourist complex with accommodation, roads and a bar to serve alcohol. This is obviously unacceptable.

The Ramunangi custodians were left with no choice but to take the matter to court. They were supported by Dzomo la Mupo – as the violation of one sacred site affects the viability of the whole network of sacred sites as well as the territory. Hence their strong solidarity in working together to protect all the Venda sacred sites as a system.

Court interdict – moral and legal victory

On 25th June 2010 Dzomo la Mupo and the Ramunangi custodians applied for an urgent court interdict which the High Court heard on 6th July. Over 80 members of Dzomo la Mupo and the Ramunangi, all proudly wearing traditional dress and their Dzomo la Mupo badges, attended a packed court.

One of the Defendants, ‘king’ Tshivhase’s Foundation Development Trust, denied the site was sacred, and denied that the Ramunangi are the custodians entrusted with the duty to take care of Phiphidi Waterfall. Chief Kennedy Tshivhase also denied that the Ramunangi have legal standing in court. After a full and emotional first day, the judge agreed to the respondents’ request for an 'inspection in loco' - to inspect the development in the sacred site. Respondents argued that the development in no way impinged on the actual sacred site, and should not be stopped.

On 7th July, Judge Mann of the High Court, granted the urgent court interdict and ordered development on the Phiphidi Sacred Site to stop, and also for the respondents not to purport to represent the community in decisions relating to customary use of land, or grant land rights over the sacred site. The judge granted the irrevocable order pending application by the custodians for a full court hearing.

The judge agreed with the custodians that the whole site is sacred - ‘In the same way a church building is regarded by some as a holy place, even though the rituals are done only at the altar’, and that building chalets would cause grave offence to those worshipping at the holy place.

Testimonials from the Ramunangi Makhadzi and Dzomo la Mupo, expert witness statement, evidence such as the community eco-maps, and explicit recognition on Government websites, significantly influenced this decision. The judge also recognised the Ramunangi as the custodians of this site with legal standing, acting on behalf of their particular religious or spiritual community and also in the public interest. The judge recognised their cultural and spiritual rights under the South African Constitution and their right to environmental protection under national law. Further the judge also found the permission to develop had expired and the development planned presented an obvious and imminent threat to the integrity of the sacred site.

Following the verdict, members of Dzomo la Mupo celebrated together with the many local people who had gathered. Mphatheleni Makaulule, from Dzomo la Mupo, said:

We are ululating from today for up to a month. We won the interdict after the high court spent two days focusing on sacred site protection versus developers. Finally after the judge visited the site and witnessed Makhadzis of Ramunagi performing rituals, the judge said the sacred site must not be disturbed…The judge could see for himself that the whole forest was sacred, like a church, where not only the altar but the whole surroundings is sacred. The ancestors are with us, the development must stop. The truth of Mupo cannot be buried down.

On 4th August, the custodians and legal team formally applied to the High Court to challenge and set aside the permission granted to develop Phiphidi Sacred Site and assert their custodianship rights and responsibilities. The respondents have been served notice and have yet to provide important information on the name of the developer and a copy of the EIA. The court process could take up to 2 years. Development continued even after the court interdict but has now stopped after a warning that this would be in contempt of court and would lead to further court proceedings.

This case so far has affirmed two important principles:

  • respect for custodians’ cultural, spiritual and traditional rights and responsibilities to protect their network of sacred sites and to continue their traditional practices
  • the ‘King’ is not above the law.
Other dimensions of the story...

Custodians - strong and united

The Makhadzis are now stronger and more confident in their commitment to protect and heal the interconnected network of sacred sites. Empowered by the eco-mapping training and court verdict, the custodians are reviving and practicing their rituals with growing local support. Community dialogues, meetings and intergenerational learning processes continue to strengthen community cohesion. Dzomo la Mupo are increasingly recognized as the traditional custodians by the local people and the relevant authorities, and their membership and profile is growing.

Local and international media coverage raises public awareness and support

The whole proceeding of the court case was covered by the local radio station, which is listened to widely. There has been a high level of public participation with live public phone ins. The public heard the “ king’s” advocate deny that the Phiphidi falls is a Sacred Site. This caused outrage as it is widely recognized as such and is in all the government tourist information.

The story of the destruction of Venda’s network of sacred sites, by tourism development and broader context of land grabbing, received wide media coverage in South Africa, UK, US, Canada and Australia. It was covered in print, radio, online and on television, including African news, Pambazuka and the BBC World news.

‘King’ Tshivhase is not king

Chief Kennedy Tshivhase has been claiming that he is the legitimate king of the Venda people in a battle for kingship that has gone on for many years. A commission was set up by the South African Government some years ago to look into issues of kingship in the country, as similar disputes exist in other communities in South Africa.

Much to everyone’s surprise President Zuma announced the results of the Nhlapo Commission on the 29th July 2010, without much warning that he was going to do so. He announced that ‘king’ Tshivhase was not the legitimate king of the Venda people. The VhaVenda kingdom would remain a paramount chieftaincy with Toni Mphephu-Ramabulane as the paramount chief. As the announcement came shortly after the Ramunangi/Dzomo la Mupo had won the interdict to stop the development of the Tshivhase’s project in Phiphidi, many have associated the two. The Venda people believe the courage of the Ramunangi clan and Dzomo la Mupo custodians in challenging the untouchable ex-king, through working with their ancestors, is now being rewarded.

The public discourse on the radio showed that people admired the custodians for challenging Chief Kennedy Tshivhase, as no one had dared to previously, for fear of intimidation. The Ramunangi and Dzomo la Mupo had not been daunted by the intimidation they were subjected to. The local people freely spoke about the corruption and how the commercial interests of Chief Kennedy Tshivhase are destroying “ Mupo.” The Makhadzis are thrilled to hear the powerfully significant word “Mupo “ coming back into public use through this series of events.

International Solidarity

There has been wide support for the Ramunangi and Dzomo la Mupo which was very important at certain critical junctures along this path - there is still further to travel! They are very appreciative of the solidarity they have received from around the world. Many supporters have written statements, which have been used in community meetings and in the court case, and are now on the web.

Others have provided much needed financial support - more is still required for the next phase.

Various networks have circulated information and helped with media coverage and technical support, all of which became important to ensure the custodians’ case was in the public domain as a deterent to further intimidation.

Next Phase

  1. The date of court hearing is still to be announced for the custodians’ application to permanently stop the tourism development by setting aside the authorisation for development and asserting their custodianship rights and responsibilities. The process could take up to 2 years.
  2. Continue communication with traditional leaders and local authorities to reach an understanding and a way forward.
  3. Dzomo la Mupo is continuing to grow as more custodians come on board encouraged by this case. Public support and interest is also increasing and Dzomo la Mupo is strengthening its capacity to respond.
  4. Paralegal training for the communities and local authorities to understand their rights and responsibilities for the protection of sacred sites and regenerating the resilience of the Venda territory, and thereby Mupo.
  5. Registration and legal recognition and protection of the network of sacred sites and the wider territory, under national and international law, learning lessons from others in assuring confidential knowledge and the traditional laws of sacred sites networks are respected.
  6. Development of community ecological governance plans that reflect traditional customary law.
  7. Continue working with custodians to distill the ethical principles underpinning the work to protect sacred sites networks and territories in the present context of growing threats and growing awareness and interest, which itself can result in new challenges.
  8. Strengthen international solidarity to develop and refine strategies to protect sacred sites networks and territories.
  9. For the next phase further funding will be required and any ideas and support are welcome.

Prepared by Gaia Foundation on 26th August 2010

Wednesday, August 04, 2010

Sekadau Consensus: Community Mapping in West Kalimantan, Indonesia




The documentary describes a process wherein the Dayak communities in Nanga Mahap, Sekadau District of Indonesia get control and manage their territories and succeed in stopping the expansion of palm oil plantations.

Participatory mapping and spatial planning were used to build new consensus between the communities and the local government at village and sub-District and District level.

The new consensus was built after the communities gained a clearer understanding on the impact of the industrial palm oil plantations on land tenure and on the cultural, economic and ecological sustainability of their villages.

Video and description courtesy Kasmita Widodo, Jaringan Kerja Pemetaan Partisipatif (JKPP).